Richard Flores Taitano
Micronesian Area Research Center
M • A • R • C
Unibetsidat Guahan • University of Guam
T: 671-735-2150/1 F: 671-734-7403 Webpage:http://www.uog.edu/marc.html
TALOFOFO THROUGH THE CENTURIES A HISTORY EMBEDDED IN NATURE
A Preliminary Report on References About Tarofofo, Guam
Carlos Madrid, Ph.D.
June-October 2024.
Historical Significance
Talofofo Bay has long been a critical location in Guam’s history, both for the island itself and for the broader region of Micronesia.
1. Chamorro and Spanish Periods:
The area holds layers of historical references, including Chamorro chief Alonso Soo, after whom the nearby Alonso River is named. This chief played a significant role in the local governance during the pre-contact and Spanish periods. The region is also linked to Quiroga, a Spanish military figure, demonstrating the overlap of Chamorro and Spanish influences in the toponymy of Talofofo.
2. Refaluwasch Navigators:
Talofofo is historically significant as the first landing site of Refaluwasch navigators (from what is now known as the Caroline Islands) after the conclusion of the Spanish-Chamorro Wars. This event highlights the bay’s importance as a gateway for maritime connections between the Marianas and the broader Pacific.
3. Malaspina Expedition:
A noted historical expedition passed by there on February 19, 1792. Antonio Pineda, a Spanish botanist, crossed the Talofofo River as part of the Malaspina Expedition, a famous Spanish scientific exploration led by Alejandro Malaspina. The team’s crossing of the river at precisely 2:30 pm is one of the few instances where we have an exact historical event can be traced to an exact spot, date, and time.
4. Natural Disasters:
Natural disasters have also affected the area. On January 2, 1849 there was a strong earthquake that affected the whole of Guam. On Tarofofo bay it seems it was followed by a tsunami or sudden high tide, and as a result of it, the local girl Josefa Lujan, who was walking on the road, was washed by the waved and dragged into the water. Her body was not recovered and she was the only casualty of the earthquake.1
1 Ibañez, Aniceto; Resano, Francisco. Chronicle of the Mariana islands. MARC 1998. P. 5. Check page 130 for the original version, more precise.
Ecological and Cultural Importance
Talofofo Bay remains a place of both ecological wonder and cultural memory. The Talofofo River and its surrounding forest provide vital resources for the island’s communities and serve as a cultural hub for the indigenous Chamorro people. Additionally, the bay’s strategic location has made it a focal point for explorers, naturalists, and historians.
Conclusion
Talofofo Bay stands as a historically rich, ecologically diverse, and culturally significant site on Guam. Its layered history, from early Chamorro governance to Spanish exploration, along with its ecological beauty, makes it a vital part of the visitor experience on the island. This report outlines the key historical and natural elements that should be emphasized in developing visitor engagement at the local tourist center.
DOCUMENTARY REFERENCES
Talofofo Bay remains a place of both ecological wonder and cultural memory. The Talofofo River and its surrounding forest provide vital resources for the island’s communities and serve as a cultural hub for the indigenous Chamorro people. Additionally, the bay’s strategic location has made it a focal point for explorers, naturalists, and historians.
Vol. 16. Levesque Collection. The Malaspina Expedition. Page 522.
The Spanish botanist Antonio Pineda and the members of the famous Spanish expedition of Alejandro Malaspina crossed the Tarofofo river on February 19, 1792, at 2:30pm in the afternoon. Its one of the few instances in which a moment can be associated with a place, a date, and the exact time of the day when it happened.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P. 216.
Tarofofo during the conquest. On or after July 1678, 30 new soldiers who just landed in Guam, with a new governor Don Juan de Salas, conducted a punishing attack against Tarofoto, probably burning the village.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P. 246.
In 1819, “the Tarofofo River has enough depth to enable brigs and launches to go up it for about 4 miles from its mouth; canoes can go farther, as far as Ninin [place not yet identified]”.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P. 282.
“The woods that are used in the Marianas mainly for construction are: 1agau, daok, yoga, dugdug, gago, hadyu, lago, kamachile, nonak, ufa, unik, putting, rima, [lemay] and Talisay. In Guam, the best timber for lumber can be found on the coast of Ritidian, Tarofofo and Orote; until now, those [woods] of Tarafofo have been little exploited, due to difficulty in transporting them overland”.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P.406.
By 1819, Tarofofo was considered part of the district of Inarajan. The main product in terms of livestock were pigs.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P. 556.
By 1819, it was known that the Tarofofo river would wash down grains of iron and copper.
Vol 12. Doc. 1721C. Page 239.
This narrative details the arrival of two groups of Carolinians on Guam in June 1721, after they were separated during a storm while traveling from the Island of Farroilep to Ulee (Woleai). On June 19, 1721, the first group of 24 individuals (11 men, 7 women, and 6 children) landed near Tarafofo, on the east coast of Guam. They were greeted by the local mayor of Inarajan and a Father Minister named Muscati. After providing the group with food and clothes, they were sheltered in Inarajan while the governor was notified of their arrival.
On June 21, 1721, another boat arrived at Orote Point, on the west coast of Guam, carrying 6 more individuals (4 men, 1 woman, and 1 child). They were taken to Umatac, where the governor, Don Luis Sanchez de Tagle, was present. When the two groups were reunited, they expressed joy at recognizing one another. The drifters revealed that their boats were part of a group of four canoes that had left the Island of Farroilep to sail to the Island of Ulee (Woleai). They were caught in a strong westerly and drifted for 20 days before reaching Guam.
After their recovery, the Carolinians shared knowledge about their islands, describing five provinces situated between 6° and 11° North latitude. The first province is Torres or Hogoleu (now known as Chuuk), ruled by a king whose dominion extended over many nearby islands. The second province includes islands such as Ulee, Eurrupuc, and Farroilep. The third province contains the islands of Fais and others. The fourth province centers on Yap, an island noted for its fertility and agricultural practices. The fifth province, Palaos (Palau), consists of a group of islands ruled from Yalap (likely a reference to a town on Babelthuap). Further southwest are the Islands of San Andres, called Somo I and Cadocopui (now Tobi Island).
Father Juan Antonio Cantova, a missionary, proposed accompanying some of the Carolinians back to their islands to establish relations and learn about their customs. However, after delays, he eventually embarked on an expedition in 1722 but failed to locate the islands and had to divert to Manila. Cantova continued his mission, and in 1731, he departed from Agana (Guam) to attempt contact again, this time with some success.
Vol 12. Doc. 1721C. Page 239.
Regarding the arrival of the two groups of Carolinians to Guam in 1721, there is a second text that adds more vivid and precise descriptions about the canoe, the behavior of the strangers, their appearance, and interactions. The first text is more straightforward and concise, while the second one provides richer ethnographic and visual details. Now found in the Archivoes of the Society of Jesus, this version was translated in part by Fr. Cantova, or entirely by another Guam missionary, and into English by Rodrigue Levesque. Its provided in full as an appendix.
In summary, the text describes how on 19 June 1721 a strange boat arrived on the east coast of Guam, specifically in an uninhabited bay of Tarafofo. The boat, mistaken for a frigate at first, by a Spanish soldier due to its size, carried 24 passengers: 11 men, 7 women, and 6 children. The passengers disembarked cautiously, gathered coconuts to quench their thirst, and were eventually greeted by the local townspeople, led by Father Felipe Maria Muscati and the mayor of Inarahan. The initial fear of the passengers, particularly the women, was alleviated when one man offered gifts to the Father, including a tortoise-shell ring and a reddish-yellow paste used in rituals.
The boat itself was described as resembling local canoes but larger, with compartments for passengers and a distinctive dolphin-tail sculpture at both ends. The boat was made without nails, using cords to hold its structure together.
Vol. 19. Levesque Collection. Freycinet Expedition. P.247.
“If a ship had to spend the winter at Guam, a season when the westerlies prevail, the only refuge would then be the Port of Tarafofo, on the S.E . coast of the island, where the anchorage is then very good; the disadvantage is that this port is located far away from inhabited areas, so that food supplies would be difficult to obtain from there.”
ORIGINAL WORDING OF THE NARRATIVES ABOUT THE REFALUWASCH LANDING IN TAROFOFO
2 Recommended consulting the original references to ensure spelling is correctly transcribed.
Vol 12. Doc. 1721C. Page 239 in original Spanish. Page 245 for translation:
On 19 June 1721, there was sighted from the Marianas a strange boat, very lofty, which carried full sail(s) and was mistaken for a frigate. It anchored on the east coast of the Island of Guahan in a neighborhood called Tarafofo. Aboard it were 1 1 men, 7 women and 6 children, making a total of 24 persons. Some of them disembarked and, going into the bush, made provisions of coconuts and of some roots. Immediately, the mayor of the town of lnarajan was notified. He, along with the Father Minister, named Muscati, and a few natives, went to meet with the guests who had just arrived, to find out which country they came from. As soon as they saw the retinue, the newcomers became frightened, specially the women, who were uttering many shouts, until one of the men, more daring than the rest, approached the Father and offered him a few small gifts from his island, which consisted of pieces of coral, of the type they use to make bracelets, and some yellow or reddish paste, which they rub on their bodies during festivities.
The Father embraced him and accepted his gift with as much familiarity as possible. They all stepped ashore, and they were given an abundance of food to eat, and also some clothes to put on for greater decency. They then remained in Inarahan until a decision was made by the Governor, who had been advised of the arrival of such guests.
On the 21st of the same month and year, another boat arrived at Orote Point, on the west coast of the Island of Guahan. This boat carried 4 men, 1 woman and 1 child. They were taken to the town of Umatac, where the Governor, who was then Don Luis Sanchez de Tagle, could then be found. When they were brought into contact with the othergroup of drifters, both groups showed their great joy at recognizing one another, and they embraced warmly. Then it was learned that their two craft had been part of four canoes that had left the Island of Farroilep to go to the Island of Ulee [i.e. Woleai], and having been surprised by a strong westerly during the crossing, they were forced to seek their way separately, and let themselves be carried by the currents and the wind for 20 days, during which they were at continuous risk of foundering.
During this time they were bothered very much by hunger and thirst, but they still made extraordinary efforts to resist the force of the currents by continuously rowing, and so became exhausted, and above all, had the skin of their hands worn off. One of these unfortunate men died within a few hours on account of these hardships, but just before dying he received baptism. His own clothes were a piece of cloth that encircled his waist and passed between his legs. The clothes of the chiefs are different, as it is a sort of cloth open on the sides that covers the shoulders and chest, and reaches down to the knees. The women, besides the piece that encircled the waist and passed between the legs, the same as the men, used a sort of skirt reaching down to the calf of the legs. They had holes made in their ears, from which hanged some flowers, aromatic herbs, coconut nuggets, glass beads and some large rings of various types. All of them were well shaped, rather tall and proportionally fat, with frizzy hair, flat noses, big and lively eyes, and a well furnished beard. There were differences in the color of their skin; indeed, some looked like the Indians of the Marianas, others were not as dark and showed themselves to be mestizos born of Indian women and Spaniards [sic].
Once they had cheered up a little, regained their former health or had gotten over their past hardships, they made contacts with the more intelligent islanders, from whom it was learned, albeit with some remaining confusion, the situations of all of their islands located between the 6° and 1 1 ° of latitude North, and divided among five provinces, each of which having its own individual language. The first province, situated to the East, is Torres or Hogoleu, the name of the main island; its inhabitants are blacks, mulattoes, and whites, and are ruled by a king whose dominion extends over many other well-populated islands, distant from 8, 1 5, or 30 leagues from one another. The second province, they said, consists of about 26 islands, 1 4 of which are wellpopulated. Their names are Ulee, Eurrupuc, Farroilep, etc. etc. The latter had been discovered in 1 696 by Pilot Juan Rodriguez, when he ran aground upon Santa Rosa Bank, and according to his estimate, it was distant over 45 leagues from Guahan and was situated between 1 0° and 1 1 ° of latitude North; our drifters came from these Islands.
The third province is a complex of islands, about 25 leagues in length and 1 5 in width, the first of which is called Fais, and they were discovered in 1 7 1 2 by Captain Bernardo de Egui.
The fourth province is located at a distance of about 30 leagues to the west of the third one. The Island of Yap is the main one; it is more than 40 leagues in circumference. It is well-populated and very fertile; indeed, one can find camotes [i.e. yams] there and other root crops, brought from the Philippines by a Carolinian who drifted overthere by a similar accident. They have multiplied so much that they can be supplied to the other islands of that archipelago.
Finally, the fifth province is at about 45 leagues from the Island of Yap, and consists of a large number of islands named Palaos, and Panleu [i.e. Palau] by the Indians. There are seven islands lined up North to South. Their lord holds court at Yalap.
The people forming this large town are so inhuman and barbarian that they eat human flesh. Some 25 leagues further toward the Southwest, are the two Islands of San Andres, called by the natives Sonrol and Cadocopui [that’s an island now known as Tobi].
They were observed to have no idea of religion at all, and to lack the very type of knowledge that make people what they are. For instance, they did not know who made the heavens and the earth, and only recognized some good and evil spirits, to whom they attributed material bodies and they gave them two or three wives. According to them, the oldest spirit named Sabucour, out of his marriage with Cliulep, had a son to whom they give this name, which means Big Celestial Spirit, and a daughter named gobund. And, out of this beginning, with many more errors, they develop the propagation of their islands, into which they mix many fables, although they do not hold them to be completely true. fact, they build no temples to such deities, make no idols of them, render them no cult, sacrifices, or offerings.
They do have superstitious practices with their deceased; to deal with them they have male and female priests who would have them believe that they can contact them and correspond with their souls, and out of their own authority they declare who goes heaven and who are those to be thrown into hell. The people have a coarse and barbarian cult; in fact, a sort of crocodile is the object of their veneration, under a horrible figure. The devil exercises his cruel tyranny upon them in this way, and it is his actions that direct them to do good or evil, to survive or to die. They hold to be honorable to have many wives. They look upon adultery with horror, but the crime is fined by making a good present to the husband of the adulterous woman. The husband repudiates the unfaithful wife. The wife enjoys the following arrangements because of the dowry: the widow weds the brother of her dead husband, if the latter dies without an heir.
The authority of the government is divided among many noble families, whose chiefs are called Tamols, and in each province there exists one Tamol to whom the others render obedience, and he lets his beard grow long, in order to attract more respect to self. They give orders with assurance, speak little and adopt serious airs. When a chief holds an audience, he sits on top of a high table, and in the act the people bow down to the ground, and [also] as soon as they spot him, they go walking this manner, holding their head almost between their legs, until they get close to his person. Then, the people sit down upon the ground and receive the orders from their chief or authority, with the eyes cast downward and very humbly. When he dismisses them, they withdraw in the same manner as when they appeared before him, and do not walk straight up again until losing sight of him. His orders are received as oracles, and as such as obeyed blindly, and if he grants some favor, the beneficiaries kiss his hand and his feet. The criminals are not punished with imprisonment, nor with any fines; indeed, the delinquents are punished with exile to other islands. Their houses are very bad; indeed, they are but low huts covered with palm leaves, and those of the Tamols are made of wood, not very large, but adorned with some rare paintings.
In each village there are two houses assigned for the education of boys and girls who are taught some vague principles of Astrology, to which are dedicated almost all of the people of these islands, because they are useful for navigation. The teacher has a sphere upon which are shown the main stars, and shown the winds that must be followed according to the various courses that they mast take. The main occupation of the men is to build fishing canoes, and cultivate the earth of their farm plots; the women work in the kitchen and help their husbands in the plantations; they also spin a sort of wild banana [fiber], and make cloths with it and with another called balibago.1 They use wedges and adzes made of stone to cut wood, for lack of iron. The are accustomed to bathe frequently, and do so three times a day: in the morning, at noon, and at night.
They go to sleep at sunset and get up at dawn. They peacefully solve altercations among the residents, usually with some gift, and individual quarrels never proceed beyond, but when they are public, between one village and another, war determines them. They weapons are stones, and lances tipped with fish bones; and their manner of fighting is the same as between two individuals, i.e. they fight two by twos, with the man front of them, as chosen by fate. If two enemy villages decide to have a battle, they choose a flat field. The formation of each army is in three rows; the young men make up the first row, the taller men are in the second, and the third row is made up of older men. The battle begins between the first rows, with one man throwing stones and lances at another. When one man is knocked out of the battle by a wound, he is immediately replaced by another man from the second row, who is in turn replaced by the closest man from the third row. The victors then give great shouts, and they always insult the vanquished. These islanders live off fruits, roots and fish; and although they have chickens and other birds, there are no four-legged animals at all in these islands. The land does not produce rice, nor wheat, or com, but it does produce trees whose wood is good for building canoes. About the many half-breeds whose skin is white, it can probably be conjectured that they are the descendents of the men who were left with Lope Martin the year 1 566, he who mutinied with 20 others, and were marooned at one island of barbarians [rather bearded men] to the East of the Marianas, and it can be believed that this island is part of the Carolines,2 where, having intercourse with the Indian women, might have procreated these half-breeds, who have since multiplied and extended through these islands.
During the four months that the Carolinians of the two canoes had lived in Guahan, they had been busy picking up as many nails, axes and pieces of iron as they could find, esteeming it all as something of very high value. Then, wishing to be allowed to take this treasure to their country, or somewhere else, anxious as they were to rejoin their wives, children and friends, they were under stress, and therefore, they solicited eagerly permission to return to their country. The Governor thought that he could give it to them, but not to all, by retaining their leaders and granting permission to the rest to return to their country; he believed that in doing it this way he would establish frequent trade between the Marianas and the Carolines.
Father Juan Antonio Cantova thought similarly and therefore had the idea of accompanying those who were being dispatched, in order to get to know their islands, character, and customs. The Governor relented, saying that he would loan him a boat and grant permission to Spaniards and Filipinos to join this expedition voluntarily. To this effect, Father Juan requested permission from his Vice-Provincial, but the answer being unfavorable, he went to Inarahan, the place where his superior resided, to whom he explained that the Caroline Islands were not far from the Island of Guahan, and that the crossing was not dangerous, since he would be guided by the islanders, in whose islands the eventual missionaries would be safe, because they were easy to live with and opposed to any cruelty; furthermore, by leaving a few of those natives in the Marianas, as hostages, they would be responsible for the conduct of their countrymen. All of these arguments made no impression upon the Vice-Provincial, who feared that the enterprise would not be approved in Manila, and if he were to encourage it, he would be guilty and responsible. Things were at this stage when the Carolinians begged to return to their country, beseeching the Governor with tears to let them go back, and telling him that they would surely all die without a remedy, if they delayed their departure, because in the absence of their relatives, they found life to be tough and unbearable. The Governor changed his mind and would console them with very kind words, in order to delay them until the storms and the bad weather that make those seas unnavigable would return; his idea was to detain them until spring, to give enough time to mount an expedition to those islands.
The Governor succeeded in detaining them and during this time he made his preparations, and Father Cantova finally succeeded in getting permission from his Vice Provincial to make that expedition. They left with some of the drifters the following year 1722, and having sailed in search of those islands from 11 May until 6 June of the same year, and not having found any island, they diverted to Manila. 1 Here Father Cantova exercised the most vigorous efforts to repeat the voyage, but was detained until the year 1730 when he was able to board the patache leaving Cavite for the Marianas. He arrived at the city of Agafia, and on the 11th of February of the following year 173 1, he left from there with Father Victor Walter aboard a small boat with 8 ship’s boys and 12 soldiers, taking along another man who had drifted from those islands in 1725, whom the Father trusted very much because he had baptized him.
Vol 12. Doc. 1721C. Page 251.
On 19 June 1721, there came into an uninhabited bay of the east coast of this Island of Guahan, named Tarafofo, a strange craft similar in shape to those of the Marianas, but of a size so much bulkier that a Spanish soldier, upon sighting it sailing in from afar, mistook it for a frigate. There were 24 passengers on board it, 1 1 men, 7 women and 6 children. The men stepped ashore, although with some caution, and climbing up the coconut trees, they supplied the whole retinue with enough coconuts to refresh the ardors of their deep thirst with the sweet juice thereof. A Mariano Indian who was fishing on that coast, as soon as he saw them went to give the news to Father Felipe Maria Muscati, Vice-Provincial of the Mission who was then residing in the nearby town of Inarahan. He in turn despatched the mayor of the town with a few canoes to guide those poor drifters who did not know in what country they were, and with what people they found themselves, to bring them to the town. The mayor had a machete hanging from his belt; when the guests saw that weapon, they thought they were no better than dead, and the women began to shed pitiful tears. For this reason, they did not want to step ashore when they arrived at the town, imagining that their final misfortune awaited them there. The Mariano Indians were trying to encourage them not to fear, and finally one of the more daring of the guests, as soon as he saw the Father Vice-Provincial waiting for them on the shore, told the others I don’t know what words and then jumped ashore, running to offer to the Father some of the poor jewels from his country, which were a small ring of tortoise shell, like some pinch beck, which they wear on special occasions on their arms, and a lump made up of a reddish yellow paste which they rub on their bodies. 1 His Reverence embraced him and with signs of affability invited the rest of them to step ashore and trust in our good treatment. Meanwhile he ordered that they be given an abundant supply of food; they, as a result of these demonstrations of humanity, delivered themselves with some hope of finding a more humane hospitality than the one that their fear had made them imagine a short time before. The Father ViceProvincial detained them at Inarahan for a few days with all the welcome possible and he had clothes made for them so they might appear with more decency, and he sent a message about this novelty to His lordship the Governor of these Islands.
The canoe of these drifters had for a sail a fine piece of woven palm leaves, the poop and the bow of equal shape and appearance, that is, high and pointed, and at the end of both was a sculpture imitating a dolphin’s tail. To each of their canoes they give its own name; this one was named Ruelep.2 It had four compartments for the convenience of the passengers, one at the bow, another at the poop, upon the upper works, and the other two on each side of the mast and over the sides, making the craft look as if it had two wings. These compartments are fitted with a thatch cover that can be removed, very similar in nature to the canopy of a coach, that protects one from the sun and rain. Inside the hull, there are various vessels containing food as well as freight, and in the whole of this craft there is not one nail; the lack of iron fasteners is made up by some cords with which they secure the boards of the hull and the upper works together.
The next day (20 June) another strange craft arrived at Orote Point (which is on the west coast of Guahan). It had the same size and appearance as the ordinary canoes ofthe Marianas, but had two compartments over the sides like the other, although smaller, in relative proportion to its hull. In it came 4 men, 1 woman and 1 child. The Governor, Don Luis Antonio Sanchez de Tagle, ordered that clothes be given to them and that both groups from the two canoes be brought together before him in the town of Umatag, to find out if they were from the same nation. When they met, they burst into demonstrations of great joy and gave one another kisses and embraces, because, as it was learned later, these two canoes had departed from Farroilep to go to Ulie (two of their islands) together with four other canoes,3 but during the crossing were hit by a stiff monsoon wind that made them drift in different directions. Such an unexpected incident, sent by Divine Providence, made them lose their bearings, to such an extent (they say) that they ploughed the sea for 20 days, searching in one heading, then on another, until these two canoes made it to Guahan one day apart, not knowing anything about what had happened to the other four in their convoy. During all of this time they sustained themselves for the most part with coconuts which they carried in abundance and with a few fishes that they caught along the way with some small fish spears, tipped with some fishbones. They were so weak when they arrived, not only by the hardship of the voyage but also for lack of food, specially water, that, in addition to having their hands skinned by the oar which they must have used to fight the currents, most of them became sick. A very robust young man even died, though not until after he had been taught the main mysteries of our holy faith as best as could be, and baptized at the hour of death.
The clothes that they were wearing when they stepped ashore, and those they wear when they are in their islands, are as follows. The men wear a [loin-] cloth that goes around the waist and between the thighs and covers the front and back of the body, but the chiefs among them, whom they call Tamols, in addition to this sort of girdle, wear a cape [i.e. poncho] similar to a chasuble that falls in front and behind as far as the knees.
The women, in addition to the same piece of cloth or girdle as used by the men, wrap themselves for greater modesty with another, loose-fitting, piece of cloth that covers them from the waist down to the middle of the legs like a skirt. We have noticed in these people the special care they take of not uncovering their body entirely; indeed, not even when they go and bathe do they remove the interior cloth, for the sake of modesty.
The nobles have the whole of their body, except the face, covered with beautiful tattooes, whose designs are well proportioned. They usually have a big hole made in the lower cartilage of both of their ears, into which they stick some flower, or aromatic grasses; some also have the upper cartilage of their ears pierced, where they were hanging the beads, made of coconut or glass, which they had received here from the Fathers or other persons. They have a good appearance, are tall and plump. Most of them have wooly hair, a wide nose, big and intelligent eyes, and their beard is rather full. Their [skin] color varies; some look like pure Indians, others like a mixture of Indian and Spanish, but one in particular was so tawny that he looked like the son of a negro man and Indian woman.
Vol. 16. The Malaspina Expedition. Page 522.
We went down to the sea a fourth time through a difficult road and finally down a sort of precipice, though a short distance from the beach where one crosses the Tarofofo
River aboard canoes; this is the largest river of this island. Its mouth forms another cove that also faces East. It took 50 minutes for all of us to cross it, and at 3:21 p.m. we continued our voyage. We went up a small slope, passed another stream on horseback, then climbed the longest slope in the whole island, which they call Alonso’s Hill. 1 Along this slope, as along the other hills and high places, can be seen calcareous stones that come from obliterated and corroded coral rocks, and many banks of volcanic
red earth which is very common in the island.
Vol. 21. Levesque Collection. Freycinet & Duperrey Expedition. P.85.
“Tarofofo Harbor…The harbor in question consists in two small gulfs, or deep bays, the first of which, known more particularly under the name of Tarafofo, is open to the east, and has, in this direction, 900 meters in length by 270 meters in width from north to south, as measured between the two rock ledges that form the points at the entrance. The other cove, smaller, situated at the eastern end of the former, goes in 400 meters toward the SW; its width is but 170 meters. It is known as Paicpuc Bay. A little further west along the southern coast of the main bay, there is a cove that is called Gayloup Bay, which is accessible only to boats.
Tarofofo Harbor proper has two shores that are almost parallel to each other and consists of cliffs that run as far as the bottom of the bay. The Tarafofo River, the lar gest in Guam, flows out onto a semi-circular beach, smooth and flat. Mountains made of coral rocks, very steep, gradually come down to the shoreline on both sides of the harbor”.
Vol. 21. Levesque Collection. Freycinet & Duperrey Expedition. P.86.
“Of all of the ports or bays of the Island of Guam, Tarofofo is, after Port San Luis, the only one that can be used at all seasons of the year; there is no dangers inside it, and ships could remain there without risk. In truth, during the season that the winds blow in, it might sometimes be difficult to land there, above all at the bottom of the harbor, but if a wharf could be built at the south end of the beach, from 40 to 50 meters in length, landing upon it would become easy at any time. The project would cost little, because the sea, in that part, is only 5 to 6 feet deep.
The Tarofofo River, which, as we said, flows into the western end of the bay, offers a good watering place. It runs fast between two shores that are about 30 meters apart, and meanders through land that is covered by strong vegetation. It depth, beyond the bar, is from 10 to 12 feet, and sometimes as many as 25; however, the entrance is blocked by a sand bar, through which the waters have dug a channel 5 to 6 meters wide, but only 2 feet deep. The river is crossed with a small bamboo raft, a short distance from this mouth.
This river carries black iron-bearing sand, which the sea pushes back onto the beaches inside the harbor; the bottom is of the same color.”
Image Bank
Map of Tarofofo made by Duperrey, 1819. Photo C. Madrid.
Map of Guam by Francisco Coello, 1852. Excerpt based on the Duperrey Chart of 1819. Photo C. Madrid.
Colored version of the map, by James Imray. Private Collection. Copyright free.
Map of Tarofofo in 1832 by Villalobos. Excerpt of Tarofofo Bay. Museo Naval de Madrid.
US Map of Guam in 1914 by Sturdevant, excerpt of Tarofofo Bay. Photo C. Madrid
Aerial Photo of Tarofofo Bay. US. 1930s. Copyright unclear.
Entrance to Tarofofo River. 1920s. C. Madrid collection.
USDS Modern Map of Tarofofo Area. Copyright free.
Tarofofo River Raft or Balsa. 1963-64. Navy photographer John A. Kurtz. Guam Museum